1942
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1 January |
A committee formed by the POWs responds to a number of issues raised by Fujiwara regarding the formation of a liberation army. In principle it agrees that the army should be raised. Among other things, the committee writes, “We consider it a point of great honour for us to accept the kind, valuable and venerable leadership of Mr. S.C. Bose. We all know that he is an extremist who believes in revolutions and radical changes. People in India are most anxiously waiting for any movement started by Mr. Bose… He is a leader whose name will stir up a great revolution amongst the Indian masses, which would have a strong reaction in the Indian Army. It will cause a split in the Indian National Congress circles and the majority of the Congress will join Mr. Bose. We, the members of the Indian National Army, are prepared to shed every drop of our blood for S. C. Bose. His very name puts new life into us… The day Mr. S. C. Bose’s name comes before us we promise that if it suits our purpose we will openly condemn the Indian National Congress.” |
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Major Fujiwara suggests ‘Volunteers for Indian Freedom’ as the name of the liberation army. Mohan Singh prefers ‘Indian National Army’. |
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Mohan Singh and Pritam Singh set up their headquarters at Ipoh. Takes up vigorous targeted campaigning at the battlefronts. Fall of Kuala Lumpur results in an additional 3,500 Indian POWs being handed over the Mohan Singh. |
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Mohan Singh explains why he has sided with the Japanese. Most prisoners express the desire to join the liberation army. |
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Meanwhile, the 25th Army and the IGHQ refuse to commit to the terms presented by Mohan Singh. Major General Suzuki, the Chief of Staff of the 25th Army tells Fujiwara that the proposed army cannot be recognised as a separate army. It envisions raising units from the POWs to take part in Japanese campaigns in Sumatra, Burma and Singapore for the purpose of propaganda and collecting enemy information |
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Fujiwara approaches Lt. Gen. Tanaka and Lt. Gen. Tominaga of the IGHQ when they visit Kuala Lumpur, also with his plans of an expanded liaison agency. |
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Mohan Singh refuses to help the Japanese in their Sumatra campaigns, but agrees to cooperate in their campaign against the British in Singapore and Burma. Accordingly, two groups of 200 volunteers each, are sent to Burma and Singapore. |
26 January |
Rash Behari Bose sends representatives to Hong Kong and Shanghai to help local Indians set up Indian Independence League. |
15 February |
The Fujiwara Kikan separates the Indian POWs from the British and Australian POWs. Numbering around 45,000, they are formally surrendered by a British Officer to Fujiwara at Farrar Park, who declares that all Indian POWs will be under the control of Mohan Singh. At this meeting, for the first time, Mohan Singh declares to all Indian POWs his intention of raising an Indian National Army. General reaction is that of widespread enthusiasm, but senior officers of the British Indian Army remain sceptical. |
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Mohan Singh sets up the Prisoners of War Headquarters at Neesoon in Singapore under Lt. Col. NS Gill, with Lt. Col. JK Bhonsle as the Adjutant and Quarter Master General, and Lt. Col. AC Chatterji as the Director of Medical Services. Indian POWs are housed in five camps. Mohan Singh tries to gain support for the Indian National Army among the POWs. |
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Local Indian leaders agree to the suggestion of Major Fujiwara to organise an Indian Independence League in Singapore. SC Goho elected Chairman and KPK Menon, the Vice Chairman of the League. |
16 February |
Prime Minister Tojo, in a speech in the Imperial Diet, asks Indians to make use of the Greater East Asia War for achieving independence of India. |
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Rash Behari establishes the headquarters of the Indian Independence League in Tokyo. Publishes a manifesto stating his intention to start a movement in East Asia for India’s independence. |
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Rash Behari calls for a conference of Indians of the representatives of the Indian communities in Japanese-occupied areas; requests Japanese military authorities to make arrangements for the conference. |
March |
The IGHQ commissions a senior officer of the Imperial Guard Regiment, Col. Iwakuro to reorganise the liaison agency into a larger body.. |
9 and 10 March |
Leaders of the Indian communities in Malaya, Singapore and Thailand and those of the INA meet in Singapore to select representatives for the Tokyo conference. The meeting remains non-committal on the issue of use of violence. Decides to take approval of the Indian National Congress on the methods to be used in the struggle. The representatives choose to visit Tokyo in their personal capacity as members of a goodwill mission rather than the representative of their community. |
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Leaders of the Indian communities of Malaya, Singapore, Hong Kong. Shanghai, Japan and those of the Indian POWs join the Tokyo conference to discuss the beginning of an Indian independence movement in East Asia. The two most crucial issues addressed were – the leadership of the Indian independence movement in East Asia and a decision on the question of acceptance of military assistance from Japan. Rash Behari Bose is selected the leader of the movement but divisions in the group emerge. Lt. Col. NS Gill (opposed to the formation of the INA) participates in the conference with the objective of ensuring that Mohan Singh does not assume any responsibility regarding the formation of the INA. |
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Many leaders from Malaya and Singapore, who meets Rash Behari for the first time, are sceptical about his long association with the Japanese, particularly his Japanese citizenship. The representatives from the Singapore meeting view efforts to concentrate of powers in Rash Behari’s hand as a Japanese plot. Goho, Raghavan and Menon restrict Rash Behari’s gaining too much power by drafting the conference’s resolution and IIL’s constitution. |
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The constitution of the IIL of East Asia is laid down at the conference. IIL becomes the umbrella organisation in which all existing organisations of Indians are to be merged. ‘Council of Action’ becomes the supreme executive body of the IIL with representation from the civilian Indian communities and the liberation army to be raised. CoA is to have complete control of the army. Although Rash Behari is selected the president of the council, he is to share authority with the four other members of the council. |
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The conference formally expresses its support for Japan’s East Asia policy and appreciates her sympathetic attitude towards India. It puts up certain “requests” to the Japanese Government and the cooperation of the Indians with Japan is made conditional to the acceptance of these requests by the Japanese Government. These include:
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The Japanese Government is requested to make an independent declaration expressing its readiness to help India attain complete independence. |
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The Japanese Government should guarantee the “full sovereignty of India” in advance. |
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It should undertake to recognise the independence of India on its achievement, and induce other friendly powers to recognise it. |
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It should also promise that “the framing of the future constitution of India will be left entirely to the representatives of the people of India.” |
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It should render such financial assistance to the IIL “in the manner and to the extent requested by the Council of Action.” Such help is to be treated as “a loan” to be repaid by India after her achievement of independence. |
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The Government of Japan should “clarify the position of the Indian troops now under their control in occupied territories”, “recognize and facilitate the use of the present National Flag of India in all territories under the Imperial Government of Japan” and “consult in all matters of administration, affecting the Indian community, the Indian Independence League of the respective places…” |
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Other salient resolutions include:
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“before taking any military action against India…contrary to the wishes, policy or opinion of the Indian National Congress, the Council of Action shall first get the approval of the Committee of the Representatives and act as directed.” |
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“military action against India should be taken only by the Indian National Army and under the command of Indians, together with such military, naval and air co-operation and assistance as may be requested from the Japanese authorities by the Council of Action.” |
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April |
On return from the Tokyo conference, Mohan Singh steps up his efforts to organise the INA. He reorganises the INA headquarters – MZ Kiani becomes AQ, Habibur Rahman is the Adjutant, HM Arshad the Quartermaster, and AC Chatterji the Director of Medhical Services. Senior Indian officers among the POWs decide that the liberation army to be raised will get into action only on the invitation of the Indian National Congress and the Indian people. It is decided that this decision will be passed on to the junior officers and the ranks, and those who wished not to join the proposed army would be segregated. |
12 April |
Iwakuro takes over from Fujiwara. |
22, 23 and 25 April |
The leaders of Malaya and Singapore call for a conference of the Indian representatives of the Malayan States and form the All-Malayan Indian Independence League. N Raghavan is elected Chairman and the other four members of central executive body are KPK Menon, SC Goho, SN Chopra and Dr. Lukshumeyah. Mohan Singh is appointed an ex-officio member of the council in his capacity as the commander of the national army to be raised. |
May |
Of the 55,000 POWs handed over to Mohan Singh, 15,000 decide to stay away from the proposed INA and are consequently separated. 20,000 agree to join the INA. By end of August this number increases to 40,000. |
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Some of the ICOs (including Lt. Col. NS Gill and Shahnawaz Khan) , who are deeply suspicious of Japanese motives and Mohan Singh’s capability to deal with them, meet and decide to join the INA to sabotage and wreck the INA from within as soon as the Japanese show signs of bad intention. This resistance however is not allowed to gain in strength as Gill and Khan are transferred out of Singapore before the Bangkok conference next month.
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The Iwakuro Kikan, consisting of General Affairs Department, Political Department, Military Department, Special Service Department, and Propaganda Department, starts functioning. Its headquarters is located in Bangkok, while the Special Service Department is located in Penang, Military Department in Singapore and the Propaganda Department in Saigon. The agency is to work under the Southern Command. Iwakuro, however, is not given any specific brief on how to deal with the Indian problem. The agency includes support to the IIL and raising the INA in its programme, but attaches more importance to anti-British propaganda. |
15-23 June |
Bangkok Conference: Representatives of the Indian communities in Japan, Manchukuo, Shanghai, Hong Kong, the Philippines, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, Thailand, Malaya, Burma and the Indian POWs meet at Bangkok. Conference receives endorsement from Japanese, German and Italian governments. All local organisations formally merged into IIL (Structure). The framework constitution of the Tokyo conference is developed into a full one and approved. |
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Rash Behari elected the first president of the Council of Action. Other members are N Raghavan, KPK Menon, Major Mohan Singh, and Lt. Col. GO Gilani. The conference decides to raise the INA without delay; conditional cooperation clause of the Tokyo conference retained. |
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The conference demands that the army to be raised should be under the full control of the Indians and it should be “accorded the powers and status of a free National Army of an Independent India” and placed “on a footing of equality with the armies of Japan.” It asks the Japanese government to allow the IIL to manage, control and make use of the incomes from all the properties evacuated by the Indians in Burma in I942. |
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Prior consent of the Indian National Congress for a military campaign is made an absolute pre-requisite, amending the discretionary power given to the council of action in the Tokyo conference. |
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Mohan Singh successfully renders ineffective all opposition to his authority from civilian as well as other military officers. In particular, the rift between Singh and Col. Gill (the senior-most officer to have surrendered, and a probable rival to his authority) widens. Singh succeeds in keeping Gill out of the Council of Action. Singh scores a victory in nominating Gilani as the second military representative in the CoA. Gilani is close to Singh (but later accused to have cooperated to ensure for himself an easy-going life), and said to be a favourite of the Japanese officers. Menon, with his deep suspicion for Rash Behari Bose, becomes an ally of Singh by default. |
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The conference decides to appoint Mohan Singh as GOC of the INA. However, after the conference, Singh starts acting independently and takes unilateral decisions without consulting the civilian leaders. |
24 June – 9 July |
The Council of Action of the IIL holds nine sessions to strengthen the organisation and plan for course of action. |
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Singh receives a pledge of loyalty from Gill. |
August |
Iwakuro Kikan gives its consent to raise and arm one division of soldiers from the Indian POWs with captured British arms. Consequently, the structure for the division is worked out, a separate Indian National Army Act is drafted and nominal pocket money for the INA soldiers suggested. |
1 September |
The Quit India movement and the Japanese decision to begin a military campaign in North East Assam and Chittagong catalyses the formation of the INA. The First Division of the INA – an armed force of sixteen thousand and three hundred officers and men. – comes into existence. |
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Subsequently, efforts to organise the INA gather momentum rapidly. Mohan Singh asks permission of the Japanese army to raise the second division from surplus volunteers. Mohan Singh agrees with Iwakuro Kikan to move a part of the division to Burma: an advance party reaches Rangoon. Forward posts are formed near the Indian frontier in Akyab and Imphal areas. Iwakuro, however, is doubtful of Mohan Singh’s (who was a Major in the British Indian army) capability of commanding more than a division of soldiers, and has no intention to expand the INA. |
October |
A new department is set up in Iwakuro Kikan which takes over from Mohan Singh the control of not only all Indian POWs who refused to join the INA, but all the surplus INA volunteers who are waiting to be absorbed in the INA in future.” |
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The Military Administration in Burma refuses to hand over management and resultant income of evacuee Indian property to the IIL, as had been demanded by the IIL. |
November |
Some Japanese officers of the local Special Service School pick up some students of the Swaraj Institute in Penang and without informing Raghavan or the IIL, send them to India for fifth columnist activities. Raghavan closes down the institute in protest and is kept under house arrest for some time by the Japanese. |
29 November |
The Council of Action issues a memorandum to the Government of Japan: “We have now reached a stage at which we feel that before we take any further forward move, it is necessary to clear matters, to understand our position perfectly….” It raises four issues: (i) The Government of Japan should clarify their attitude towards the resolutions of the Bangkok Conference. (ii) The Council of Action should be recognized as the “Supreme Executive of the Indian Independence Movement in East Asia.” (iii) A “full, formal and solemn declaration” should be made by the Government of Japan regarding their intentions to recognize the absolute independence of India. And (iv) the formation and existence of the Indian National Army should be “formally and publicly recognized.” On receipt of the Memorandum, Iwakuro calls for a joint conference between Iwakuro Kikan and the Council of Action. |
1 December |
In the joint conference, Iwakuro tells the CoA that “the reason for not announcing the existence of the INA, is that…if the INA is to be used for military purposes in India it is better to keep it secret. …The decision is to announce the existence of the INA when military operations start.” He also points out that a declaration of Indian independence should be made only when its political effects would be calculated to be the greatest. “Unless a declaration coincides with some great happening in the future, it would have no political significance,” he says. He assures that he would ask the Tojo Government to make a declaration “on such an important occasion.” All understanding between the Iwakuro Kikan and the CoA breaks down. |
December |
Fujiwara says that all non-volunteer POWs will remain under direct Japanese control. |
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Instances of maltreatment of Indian POWs along with instances of Japanese army putting them under direct control build up. Col. Gill, in charge of INA in Burma informs Mohan Singh of the Japanese intention to put the INA troops under their direct command. Mohan Singh becomes deeply suspicious of Japanese intentions. Insists on referring the issue of troop movement to the Council of Action before taking any further action. Asks the CoA to call off the movement (implying dissolution of the INA). |
4 December |
Meeting of the CoA: Raghavan tenders his resignation from the membership of the CoA, protesting Mohan Singh’s independent dealings with the Iwakuro Kikan, but does not favour discontinuing the movement. The meeting decides that all questions of troop movement must be addressed to the CoA directly and that all issues regarding the INA should first go to the president of the CoA and be dealt with by the CoA. |
5 December |
Singh, Gilani and Menon confront the CoA with an ultimatum. They forward a set of demands to the CoA and warn that if the CoA fails to get an immediate acceptance of the demands by the Japanese government, they would resign. These demands are: (i) “A written assurance that Col. Iwakuro will forward the letter of 29 November 1942 to the Imperial Government; (ii) An Assurance that a reply will be given on or before 1 January 1943; (iii) No major action would be taken regarding the INA. Routine work of the movement to be carried on in the mean time; (iv) Advance party in Burma should be informed that no further action should be taken until further orders from the GOC.” A deadlock is created as it is well understood by all members of the CoA that meeting the first two demands are impossible within the stipulated time. |
7 December |
Rash Behari Bose, Raghavan, Iwakuro and Fujiwara meet to salvage the situation. Fujiwara and Iwakuro express their suspicion that Mohan Singh has come under the influence of fifth columnists who war working to wreck the movement. Raghavan suggests that (a) a “satisfactory answer to the demand put forward” by the CoA should be given by the Japanese; (b) the League’s “direct control over the army” should be made effective; and (c) in case the Council of Action would break up as a result of resignation of the members, the President should “take control and run the movement pending another conference at which a new Council of Action may be elected.” Immediately after the meeting Rash Behari Bose and Iwakuro take three decisions jointly: (i) The INA should be disarmed and its G.O.C. removed from its command, (ii) The present Council of Action would be dissolved, (iii) Col. Gill and Gen. Mohan Singh would be kept under arrest till the situation is brought under control. These terms were referred to the Headquarters of the Southern Army which endorsed the plan and later helped to carry it out. |
8 December |
Col. Gill is arrested by the Japanese under charges of espionage. Bose informs Singh that demands put forth are not acceptable to the Iwakuro Kikan. Singh, Gilani and Menon resign. |
9 December |
The three members’ resignation as well as that of Raghavan is accepted. Singh unleashes a propaganda campaign against Rash Behari Bose and Raghavan. |
10 December |
Bose announces that he has taken over all powers and duties of the CoA. |
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Bose attempts to contact senior officers in the Indian army. This is viewed by encroachment by Singh and Gilani. Singh challenges Bose’s authority on the ground that CoA does not exist anymore. |
13 December |
Singh writes to Bose that “(i) The members of the Indian National Army are pledged to me and me alone by name… (ii) This army will only be a part of any movement if it is convinced that the movement is conducted in the interests of India.”91 |
21 December |
Mohan Singh meets the senior officers of INA and circulates a sealed order among the unit commanders. The order says, “The Indian National Army will be dissolved shortly…. A confirmatory order will be sent out as soon as arrangement with the Nipponese ate complete. In the event of my being separated from you before such an order is issued the dissolution will take place automatically and immediately. Also at the same time the resignation of all the members of the INA and their release from all obligations and undertakings to me and the INA will be taken for granted.” |
29 December |
Mohan Singh is called to the Iwakuro Kikan office in Singapore and offered terms on which he could continue in his office. Singh refuses to accept the conditions. He is subsequently shown a letter from Bose dismissing him from his command. Bose’s letter raises four charges against Singh: (i) The latter disobeyed the President’s direction to send up certain INA officers to meet the President. (ii) Singh was attempting to create “a private and personal army” of the INA, (iii) Having cut himself off from the Indian independence movement in East Asia, Singh could no longer command the army which belonged to the movement, and (iv) Singh had “wilfully and maliciously attempted to spread discontent and disaffection amongst the members of the Army of the Indian Independence Movement of East Asia.” |
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Immediately after his removal from the INA command, Mohan Singh is taken into custody by the Japanese Military Police. |
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INA troops are disarmed and opponents of the INA among the POWs utilise the opportunity to carry on vigorous propaganda to discontinue the INA. |
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Rash Behari Bose steps in by forming a Committee of Administration – meant for administration of discipline among INA personnel – comprising Lt. Col. JK Bhonsle (chairperson), Lt. Col. MZ Kiani, Lt. Col. Loganadan, and Major Prakash Chand. The committee succeeds in removing a good deal of suspicion against Bose among the INA personnel, by holding separate and joint meetings of NCOs, commissioned officers and others. |